Debates in forecasting Euro’s status vs. Dollar, 2025

Posted by Adam Gordon on Sep 23, 2008 in 2015, 2025, all, decision-making, failed predictions, forecast filtering, foresight tools & methods, managing uncertainty, Perils of Prediction, strategic foresight

A recent forecast-and-critique exchange between economists is worthy of attention from a forecast assessment and evaluation point of view.

The forecast is the recently published academic research paper: Chinn & Frankel (2008), “The Euro May Over the Next 15 Years Surpass the Dollar as Leading International Currency,” Faculty Research Working Paper RWP08-016 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, John F. Kennedy School of Government) available here. Frankel is a Professor of Economics at the Kennedy School.

The critique, “Forecasting the Euro’s Future,” by Benjamin Cohen, is here

The argument of the Chinn & Frankel paper, which is also summarized here is that the euro may surpass the dollar as the leading international reserve currency as early as 2025. The authors use econometrically-estimated determinants of the shares of major currencies in the reserve holdings of the world’s central banks. Significant factors include: size of the home country, rate of return, and liquidity in the relevant home financial center (as measured by the turnover in its foreign exchange market). The analysis predicts a narrowing in the gap between the dollar and euro over the period 1999-2007, and forecasts this trend to continue.

Cohen has technical issues with the forecasts, saying, “the analysis addresses just one specific function of the two rival monies – their use in central bank reserves – ignoring all the many other roles that international currencies play. But the essence of his critique is deeper. He says, “By concentrating purely on economic factors, (the forecast) ignores the politics involved, which in practice could prove to be far more decisive… key considerations include both the quality of governance in a currency’s home economy and the nature of relationships between countries. Is the issuer of a currency capable of assuring effective political stability at home? Can it project power abroad? Does it enjoy strong inter-governmental ties – perhaps a traditional patron-client linkage or a formal military alliance? Though it is by no means easy to operationalise many of these factors for purposes of empirical analysis, it is hard to deny their importance (for an accurate forecast.)”

Cohen’s agenda is not merely to tackle possible shortcomings of Chinn & Frankel’s study, but to critique economic forecasters far-and-wide that analyze the technical data, while ignoring political (or social) factors that are hugely influential on outcomes, yet harder or impossible to quantify, and which are therefore conveniently ignored.

Coming to grips with politics
Says Cohen: “Chinn and Frankel are not alone in this shortcoming, of course. Many economists, perhaps even most, have a hard time coming to grips with the intricacies of politics, which can seem so messy and indeterminate when compared with the pristine parsimony of formal economics. When it comes to the analysis of public policy, few even bother to try to address political factors systematically.

“The result, though, is sadly predictable. By ignoring the role of politics, economists often get it wrong. How many trade specialists were prepared for the recent breakdown of the Doha trade talks, despite the obvious gains to be had on all sides from a new round of liberalisation? How many can explain the unprecedented accumulation of reserves in China or other East Asian countries, the widespread distrust of multinational corporations or the failure of the international community to do a better job at combating global warming? Politics is clearly critical to all these questions, and more… (Yet) conveniently, Chinn and Frankel set all these considerations aside in order to build a parsimonious model that they can use for forecasting purposes. Only three independent variables are highlighted in their regressions: country size (relative income), foreign-exchange turnover (representing the depth of competing financial markets), and trend exchange-rate changes (representing the rate of return on currency balances).”

Cohen offers potential political and ideological blockers to the particular forecast: “Japan, for instance, has long relied on a formal security umbrella provided by the United States to protect it against external threats; and the same, less formally, is true for Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states as well. Can we really imagine any of these nations, all very large dollar holders, casually jeopardising their ties to Washington for the sake of a few basis points of return on their reserves?”

To be fair to Frankel, the nature of his analysis is consistently political – see his blog at http://content.ksg.harvard.edu/blog/jeff_frankels_weblog/
One can’t imagine that Frankel or Chinn would dispute that politics will strongly influence the accuracy of their forecast. (What they clearly imply in their data-centered model is that the economic data is backed up by political shifts towards Europe, or at least there is nothing in the political realm that would counter their technical analysis.)

Yet the problem remains that these contextual factors are not built into the model. The technical stuff is quantifiable and gets forecasted quantitatively. The rest is a kind of political/social/ideology soup that we flounder in, and the best we can apparently say is “it’s going in the same direction” or “ceteris paribus”.

International Political Economy
Going with Cohen, one may well ask: what is the value of the forecast that ignores the context, or separates it in this way? Surely very little. As impressive as the economics or the modeling is, the results are are circumscribed by the larger questions that are not in the model, and that affect everything.

As an alternative, Cohen offers International Political Economy (IPE), which explicitly combines political analysis with economic theory, saying, “part of what IPE offers is a critique policy choices as ‘rational calculus by unitary actors responding to well-defined structural constraints and incentives – in effect, an approach akin to the analysis of atomistic firms in a setting of perfect competition.’” IPE suggests three levels of political analysis: the systemic level (macro-international politics); the domestic level, revealing competition of domestic interest groups and institutions; and the cognitive level, ideas that legitimate governmental policy making. If one is not thinking at all three levels of politics, any prediction will surely fail.

Whether IPE succeeds in mitigating the shortcomings of technical analysis or not, one can only say amen to the principle – and that, additionally, there’s surely even more to factor in. Beyond politics, there are issues of technology change, changes in culture, values, ideologies and perceptions that shape the future. Truth is, we don’t know how to quantify all this – and it’s certainly not tractable to quantitative measures for anything but the short term. Using the technical analysis to predict the euro’s status vs. the dollar in 2025 must return a result which (while even possibly correct) is one we cannot rely on.

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